The Role of Indigenous
Institutions in Pastoral Livelihood Strategies in
By
Bezabih Emana[1], Kejela Gemtessa, Waqtole Tiki, Walensu Rebu and
Lenesil Asfaw
Abstract
This paper presents knowledge generated from the research
carried out in the pastoral communities in
The
findings of the study presented that the traditional rules and regulations can
support implementation of government pastoral development policies if the two
work closely and in collaboration.
However,
the traditional systems such as the Gada
system are challenged by the expansion of farm lands, shrinking rangelands,
religious influence, poverty, resource use conflict, internal changes, and
state influences. Diminishing roles of
the traditional system of management of natural resources is associated with
increased natural resources degradation. Natural resources degradation is also
intensified due to lack of alternative survival strategies for the poor social
groups.
The
pastoral communities have developed different safety net mechanisms for their
poor clan members. Small supports such as sharing livestock products are
crosscutting support mechanisms that are used by all communities. In Afar and
Somali, this type of sharing resources and benefits is so extreme to the extent
that private saving is discouraged. However, the size of livestock holding
determines the application of the concept of mutual help. The indigenous
resources and benefits distribution to improve equity provides potential means
of targeting the poor and women in development interventions since the
pastoralists perceive resources as belonging to the community.
As a result of cultural and religious norms, women are
deprived of property ownership rights and given lower status in all of the
pastoral communities. They are denied of
participation in traditional leadership, control of key assets, given marginal
benefits during divorce and inheritances of common properties, etc.
The
indigenous institutional systems should be considered as key partners in all
intervention attempts such as development, social change, environmental
protection, socio-political issues, etc. If the knowledge system is capitalized
on, the indigenous institutions provide means of avoiding harmful traditional
practices that are affecting girls and women and reducing or avoiding social
discrimination of the minorities. The indigenous institutions should be
empowered to enable and rebuild the capacity of the local communities to assume
greater responsibilities in the management of natural resources and decisions
regarding basic services.
Content
·
Introduction
·
Methodology
·
Major Indigenous institutions
·
Role in leadership and community administration
·
Role in natural resources management
·
Conflict management
·
Women's role
·
Social equity
·
Social support system
·
Challenges on indigenous institutions
·
Conclusions and policy implications
Institutions
are commonly accepted codes or rules that govern or influence the behavior that
allow organizations to interact and understand the relationship between
organizations and institutions, that is, the formal and informal rules of the
game in society. This is critical because implementation of many development
interventions, including projects and policy reforms, depends on institutional
changes. It is often assumed that institutions (including markets) function
smoothly and according to formal rules. In practice, though, transaction costs,
ineffective enforcement and lack of competition or accountability can lead to
sub-optimal performance of government, market, or civil institutions.
The
indigenous institutions play the role of governing the behaviour of individual
member of the society. The indigenous institutions are organized to serve the
social, economic, security and development needs of its members. They also have
the responsibilities of decision-making and enforcement of resource use rules
through political authority.
There
are traditional norms and values that pastoral communities depend on for smooth
operations in arid and semi-arid ecological zones of
The
Gada system is the most powerful traditional system governing natural
resources. In Borana Oromo indigenous system, laws regarding livestock
production involve rangeland and water resources management as core components
of the indigenous institutional system, which still strives to be adhered to.
Management of these resources are closely bound to the pastoral livelihood and
strictly observed by the society. Every member of the society is required to
respect customary laws. Under the
general assembly, Abba Gada has the highest authority in the
system and has own cabinet ministers made up of clan representatives called Hayyu. At lower levels of the structure,
different people such as Bokku are
given different responsibilities. The institutional structure extends to
community and village levels where the actual administrations and management of
resources take place.
In Afar, the authority is hereditary based on clan
ties. Each
clan has clan leader (Kedo Aba),
lineage (Dala Aba or sometimes called
Dabala Aba), youth leaders (Fei’ma Aba) and elders groups. The
Traditional leaders reinforce co-operation and social solidarity between clans
through shared rituals, resource sharing and the practice of paternalistic
cross-cousin marriage called Absuma. Afar
society has its customary laws and rules inherited from ancestors to encourage
peaceful co-existence and discourage mischievous acts, murder, theft, adultery
and violence.
In
Somali society, the ultimate authority and leadership is vested on Ugaz.
Below Ugaz, in the hierarchy of
leadership, there is a council of elders constituting sub-clan representatives.
The council meets only if there are critical issues concerning the clan. The
sub-clan representatives are responsible for issues related to the daily lives
of the community at village level or Reeri.
Traditional
rules and regulations form the foundation of oppressed women's position which
is reflected in harmful traditional practices, limited right of girls’ access
to education, systems of marriage and divorce and the associated rights and
benefits of women in having access to and control over resources and benefits
including their roles in community affairs, decision-making, labour division, etc.
There
is a consensus that the traditional rules and regulations can support
implementation of government pastoral development policies if the two work
closely and in collaboration. Attempts to reduce harmful practices would also
be successful when the participatory approach is followed.
However,
under the current system, some of the cultural values and rules have been
challenged. For example, the formal institutions on the basis of human right
conventions are challenging the exclusion and out casting of cabana[2]
from the system. Elders complain that cabana is increasing now days as
formal institutions give them protections.
The traditional systems such as the Gada
system is also challenged by the expansion of farm lands, shrinking rangelands,
religious influence, poverty, resource use conflict, internal changes, and
state influences.
In
Afar and Somali societies, Islam religion has high value and even dominates the
enforcement of traditional rules and regulations. It is so important in that,
without the consent of the religious leaders, it would be difficult to think of
cultural changes and influence the community. The religious leaders have the
authority in the cases of marriage and divorce decisions. Enforcement of the
traditional and religious rules affects women and girls through the marriage
and divorce systems, inheritance of property, encouraging polygamous marriage
system, prohibiting women participation
in community affairs such as public meetings with men, and promoting harmful
traditional practices such as female genital mutilation, limited decision
making power, lack of control over key resources and benefits, unbalanced
labour division among gender groups, etc.
With
the diminishing roles of the traditional system of management of natural
resources, forests are cut down for fuel wood, charcoal and other uses, wild
animals are killed for consumption, etc. Such natural resources degradation is
also because of lack of alternative survival strategies for the poor social
groups.
Currently,
there is no clear demarcation as to the responsibilities of the traditional
administration and government administration in resource management and other
community affairs. The indigenous institutions are losing their power of
enforcing sanctions they might want to impose on resource abusers. The institutions may not be able to impose
sanctions and fines on the resource abusers and those violating customary laws
without recognition from kebele leadership. This holds true among the three
communities.
The
following can be generalized from the analysis of the pastoral institutions
regarding similarities and differences among the three regions:
There
are social differentiations in the pastoral communities in terms of age, gender
and wealth. The indigenous institutions also form foundations for social
support mechanisms, and saving and credit systems. It is an indigenous safety
net system that is used to share assets and benefits among the clan members.
The support ranges from provision of milk and other foods to the contribution
of heads of cattle for restocking the herds of the poor families. The
assistances given at village level help in fulfilling the immediate needs of
the poor in terms of food in the form of grain, milk, and other livestock
products. The poor also help others in terms of labour for herding livestock of
neighbours, justifying the mutuality of the support system. In this case,
besides having access to food, the poor can get heifer to restock his herd.
In
Borana, the poor can also seek support (locally known as Bussa Gonofa) from his clan in which cases the rich clan member is
urged to provide heads of cattle to help the poor. Such decisions of the
community is respected and enforced. There is also orphan support system in the
indigenous institution of all of the regions.
However, the social security system is declining. The major causes include the decline of the
capacity of the clan leaders to enforce the traditional rules, poverty, and
individualistic living condition that is becoming part of the system.
The indigenous mutual support system in Afar is locally
known as Hatota, which is practiced through clan
ties. Mutual co-operation is practiced at different levels, namely at
nucleus family (Ko budda), the
household level (Inik budda), the
village (Ganda Budda), which consists
of different households tracing descent from the same clan and the local
community levels.
In Afar and Somali, the tradition of sharing food with neighbourhoods
and relatives is a common practice.
Apparently, the existing resources and benefits sharing mechanism exposes
individuals to depletion of resources. Hence, changes in the saving and credit
behaviour of the community require fundamental changes in the attitude of the
pastoral community. This will be possible with close collaboration and support
of the indigenous and religious leaders.
In
general, the pastoral communities have developed different safety net
mechanisms for their poor clan members. Small supports such as sharing milk and
food items are crosscutting support mechanisms that are used by all
communities. The procedure of getting such supports is simple and done through
personal arrangements. In Afar and Somali, this type of sharing resources and
benefits is so extreme to the extent that private saving is discouraged.
The
process of social support for restocking of the heard requires certain scrutiny
to check how the poor lost his animals and whether there are people who can
support. In all the communities such social support is made through the request
of the male pastoralist.
At
times when most of the pastoralists had large livestock size, the concept of
mutual help was effectively used. With increasing drought and death of
livestock, the social support system that involves distribution of wealth among
the communities is near to impossibility. But the indigenous resources and
benefits distribution to improve equity provides potential means of targeting
the poor and women in development interventions since the pastoralists perceive
resources as belonging to the community.
The
mutual resource sharing mechanism has implications on resources mobilizations
by the formal development agencies such as government institutions and NGOs.
All
societies are composed of diverse social groups that may be identified on the
basis of gender, ethnicity, religion, age and culture, as well as
"spatial" (geographic) and economic characteristics. These social
categories are important for the simple reason that they are important to the
people who use them to define themselves and their neighbors. They can form the
basis for vested interests, provoke or restrain action, and determine access to
opportunity. Social diversity is complex - and important in social analysis -
in that all forms of identity can be reinforced or weakened by other elements
in society, such as institutions or technology. Assessment of ethnic diversity
forms fundamental bases of social differentiation due to differences in
cultural and religious values.
As a result of cultural and religious norms, women are
deprived of property ownership rights and given lower status in all of the
pastoral communities. They are denied of
participation in traditional leadership, control of key assets, given marginal
benefits from divorce and inheritances of common properties, etc.
Women
usually do not own livestock but have the right to use livestock products, the
money obtained from sales of cattle, and household utensils. Control of the
livestock assets and benefits is a prime responsibility of men. However, women
are empowered to administer and dispose of cattle when kora gosa (the clan council in Borana) decides and confers on them
such rights due to mismanagement by the husband. In Borana, boys and girls own
livestock, which are given to them at some ritual events. Such livestock is
given mostly to boys to create initial stocks of assets.
The
traditional cultural and Islamic religious practices do not allow women and
girls to attend public meetings, conferences, and any kind of gatherings with
men to express their views, opinions, wishes and desires. They do not
participate both in indigenous institutions and in the current local
administration, and are not able to elect or be elected in traditional
leadership positions. However, they can participate in rituals and religious
activities and celebrations. Boys are also considered like minors and do not
participate in the traditional leadership. But boys follow the footsteps of men
as they are considered the future leaders of the society.
In
all the pastoral communities, traditional rules affect women and girls through
harmful traditional practices such as wife beating, marriage by inheritance,
early marriage, polygamous marriage, arranged marriage, and low regard to women
or undermining women’s rights and Female Genital Mutilation.
The
major differences and similarities of the three pastoral regions in terms of
differential rights as implied in the traditional and religious rules could be
distinguished as follows. The differences imply region-specific strategies of
interventions.
i.
The
most significant difference among the regions occurs in the case of harmful
traditional practices such as FGM and women abandonment, which are common in
Afar and Somali regions. In order to limit girls' contact with the opposite
sex, girls are often constrained in social interaction with male social groups.
The Afar and Somali communities practice female genital infibulations using
girls’ protection as a pretext. In Borana, the male having sexual contact with
girls will be excluded from the community. Such a sanction against those
violating girls’ right is a maximum penalty.
ii.
Divorce
is rare in Borana society as marriage is considered as a permanent union of
individuals of opposite sexes. If the man wants to divorce his wife who has
given birth to baby boy, the clan is obliged to take care of her because she
has contributed to increasing the number of the clan members. As a result, she
is fully entitled to sharing all what they have and remains in her house while
the husband can look for another wife.
In Somali, when a woman gets divorced, due to different reasons like
infertility, old age, husband’s decision to divorce, etc., she doesn’t have the
right to share the common property they had together. She can only take what is
called ”mehir” a kind of gift given to her or promised on her wedding day, as a
compensation amounting to either four camels or cows.
iii.
According to the customary laws of Borana, women
cannot inherit the property of their natal parents. This is strictly adhered to
and it is a Gada rule that inheritance to property goes through male line
alone. If the family has only daughters and no sons, the property is
transferred to the clan. But in the Afar
and Somali regions, inheritance is determined according to Islamic laws, which
again gives priority to male.
iv.
Among the Borana, Afar and Somali pastoralists,
kinship is a system by
which descent is reckoned through male lines. However, there are some
differences concerning mate selection and marriage. Arranged marriage
pre-dominates the whole community with the existence of some other marriage
forms like abduction, inheritance and substitution. Borana pastoralists are
exogamous with clearly defined marriage rules, while the Afar pastoralists are
a kind of endogamous community where cross-cousin marriage or Absuma
dominates. The marriage rules in Somali seem as combination of religious and
traditional rules where religious rules allow marriage of cousins, and mate
selection within the clan or outside the clan. Polygamy is practiced in all of
them and age difference in marriage is a common feature for all.
v.
In
spite of the low regard and status accorded to women, the number of women leaders holding positions in the various
Wereda offices of Somali is increasing. In this regard, the formal administration has
shown its determination and commitment to address the gender gap in public
office positions and running of political affairs as stipulated in the
Constitution (1995) and Women’s Policy (1993).
There
are certain cultural practices based on which some people are excluded from
certain community affairs. Social exclusion is not widely practiced in the
pastoral communities of the same tribe. In Afar for instance, no social
discrimination among clan members, though gender discrimination based on
religious rules exists.
In
some communities such as the Borana Oromo and the Ogaden people, there is
certain exclusion of some social groups from community affairs. The watta people are excluded from marriage
with the Borana. They are also excluded from the Borana social security system
called Buusaa Gonofa but get all
other assistances like milk and other food items. However, the Watta are given equal opportunity with
other Borana community in resource use. But most of the Watta are poor and depend on handcrafts for their survival. They
provide some services during traditional ceremonies and paid in kind by the
Borana.
Individuals
are also exclude from the community in Borana on the basis of personal behavior
rather than categorical. A person who makes sexual contact with a virgin girl
is entirely expelled from the society. The decision is equivalent to denying
him of being “Borana”. Under this circumstance, the person cannot make his
livelihood from Borana land where mutual support is vital for life. If the girl
gets pregnant and gives birth before marriage, both the man and the girl are
called Cabana and are ostracized from the system.
Abusers
of resources can also be excluded from the system, but this decision is the
final resort, in case the person becomes difficult to deal with. In addition,
people who ignore decisions of clan leaders can be excluded from resource use.
There is a provision for reboranization,
if the person admits his fault and appeals to the clan to give him back the
status of being Borana.
In Afar,
none of the social groups is excluded from resource use or social affairs, on
the basis of personal, gender or family background. There is no discrimination
on the basis of ethnicity or religious affiliation. However, there is exclusion
of someone based on violation of rules and regulations or cultural norms of the
society. The exclusion involves denying access to mutual support of the system
and isolation rather than sanction against resources use. It is the
responsibility of the clan to control behaviour of individuals since privately
committed mistakes or criminals can have repercussions on the clan in the form
of revenge by other clans.
In
the Somali pastoral communities there is social exclusion based on clan or
professional career. The Shebele
people are excluded based of kinship, while some others are excluded due to
specialized skill such as blacksmith and tannery. Moreover, in all the pastoral
communities, women are not treated, equal with men. The Shebele people and blacksmith workers are
excluded from inter- marriage with
other members of the larger society and confer them lower social status. These people are despised, ostracized and
given lower social status. People may not eat the food prepared by these groups
of people. But they are not excluded from resource use or other social affairs
although the Shebeles claim that they are pushed to marginal areas and are not
getting equal opportunities from public investments. Moreover, they cannot take
leadership positions in local government offices. The Shebeles have their own
indigenous institutions and own Ugaz.
In
general, social exclusion from resources use is marginal except that of the
Shebeles in Somali region. On the other hand, the minority social groups who
are excluded from social events and marriage systems are poor. It is imperative
that the pastoral community development emphasizes on behavioral changes
through increased human capacity building. Gender based discrimination is
common in all communities.
The
livelihood situations of the pastoral communities can be rated as better off
compared to that of the agro pastoral communities in the study areas. The
pastoralists own larger livestock herd compared to the agro-pastoralists. The poor households own only few livestock
whereas the destitute households own at most goats and chicken. Poultry
production is not part of the Borana culture; neither is it part of the Borana
diet. Yet, with increasing poverty, the poor started poultry production for
income generation. In Afar and Somali, the poor and the destitute rear but
limited number of poultry. The challenge in this regard is the adaptation of
poultry to the pastoral ecology and the feed since they share the scarce food
resource with human being.
The
major sources of income for the pastoral communities are livestock and
livestock products. Despite the formal definition of classifying the pastoral
communities into pure pastoralist and agro-pastoralist kebeles in all of the
regions, crop production is becoming part of sources of income of the
households. Hence, all wealth groups started practicing crop production. Other
income generation activities include gum and incense collection, and wage
labour. The difference among the different wealth groups is the level of
contribution of livestock to the annual income, which reaches 90 percent for
the rich.
The
income difference between the four social groups is significantly high. The
rich could generate four folds of the income of the poor. The income is used
for purchase of food. Compared to the agro-pastoralists, the community depends
more on purchased food. Seventy five percent of the grain consumed by the rich
households in pastoral community is covered from purchases and 25 percent from
own farm production. Similarly, about 83
percent of the grain consumption of the medium households comes from purchase
while only 17 percent of the grain consumption is covered from own production.
In Afar,
most of the poor are female-headed households. The risk management mechanisms
declined overtime. The poor involve in selling firewood, consume wild fruits,
and receive food aid. The rich earn only 10% of their annual consumption needs
indicating that regardless of gender and social differentiations, poverty is
widespread in Afar. This is often due to the impact of drought.
In
terms of food security, the rich and the medium households have access to
adequate food throughout a year. However, the poor households are food insecure
for six months. Similarly, destitute households are food insecure for the year
round. Those food insecure households
use strategies such as reduced meal frequency from three to two times a day,
use of wild food, and help from rich households. There is limited wage work
opportunity in the area, although there is a need. These social groups
coherently reside with the medium and rich households, and targeted
intervention for the poor may not lead to conflicting interest among the social
groups. Wealth is perceived as that of the clan.
i.
The indigenous
institutional systems in all of the regions (mainly in Oromia and Afar) and
Islam religious rules in Afar and Somali pastoral areas should be considered as
key partners in all intervention attempts such as development, social change,
environmental protection, socio-political issues, etc. There is a need to capitalize on indigenous knowledge
systems which will be useful if technically backstopped. If appropriately used, indigenous institutions
also provide means of avoiding harmful traditional practices that are affecting
girls and women and reducing or avoiding social discrimination of the
minorities.
ii.
Both the formal
and indigenous structures overlap at household level in the process of implementing
the rules and regulations they are governed with. Hence, common understanding
of all stakeholders would help for effective and sustainable implementation of
development projects. It is essential to link
formal and indigenous systems in project identification, implementations,
monitoring and evaluation by defining specific tasks of each of them.
iii.
The indigenous institutions should be empowered
to enable and rebuild the capacity of the local communities to assume greater
responsibilities in the management of natural resources and decisions regarding
basic services.
iv.
The indigenous mutual support system has
implications for saving and investment. Moreover, the indigenous saving system
by hording large livestock number is no more feasible under the growing risk
associated with drought. A responsible formal institution can collaboratively
work with the indigenous and religious institutions to bring about changes in
saving behavior of the pastoral society. This should, however, go together with
provision of alternatives such as establishment of financial institutions in
the area.
v.
Existence of
different traditional and cultural rules and religious rules governing the
society and empowering different social and gender groups is the principal
causes of social differentiations in the pastoral communities. Recognizing the
poor positions of the pastoral women is a big step for the ways forward. Community dialogues at different levels
will help appreciations of the extent of the problem and create ground for
social and attitudinal changes. This is a work to be done all across the
pastoral communities in
vi.
Traditional
rules adhered to by the majority also caused exclusion of some social groups such as Watta in Borena, and Shebeles and Gaboye in Somali region. The consequence of such exclusion is
deprivation of basic rights and benefits of development interventions. Hence,
pastoral community development interventions should emphasize on behavioral changes through increased human
capacity building.
vii.
The land tenure
system under the umbrella of specific clan that distinguishes the rangeland and
cropland has important policy implication for the regional governments.
Conflict between crop producers and large livestock owners is best managed
through appropriate land use policy that
is designed through participation of all stakeholders.
viii.
Mobility of livestock is a necessity in the pastoral areas for the best economic use of
range resources coping with the ecosystem variability. This should be
understood by the federal and regional governments and accorded.
ix.
Partial sedentrization is emerging due to increased risk of drought.
Provision of public facilities such as construction of roads and infrastructure
in the pastoral areas for easy transportation and operation can solve some of
the problems of pastoral risks such as lack of market for cattle, and
information sharing problems. School, health and water supply issues are
growing concerns, which could be used as means of encouraging more sedentrized
mode of life. Yet, the pastoral settings are different and similar policies of
providing these services as it is the case in the highly populated highland
areas cannot be applied.
x.
Crop farming and participation in income
diversification activities such as
petty trading is expanding in response to declining means of indigenous
livelihood system as well as sedentralization. In all of the regions, the crop
production in the fragile ecologies of the pastoral systems is not supported
with appropriate technology and extension system. Crop farming in Borana area
has been source of conflict between the poor who lost his livestock due to
drought and those having large herd size. Appropriate land use policy and
improving the rangeland productivity in a participatory approach is an
important action to be made by the region.
xi.
Intervention in irrigation development in agro-pastoral communities in Somali and Afar
would bring considerable changes in their livelihood if used with appropriate
production technology. Use of improved seeds adapted to the ecology, use of
improved farm implements (unlike the current hoe culture), adopting appropriate
farm management practices and irrigation water would address the food
insecurity and alleviate poverty in the area.
xii.
Improving crop
farming in Afar and Somali includes capacity building of the pastoralists in
terms of farming experience, technical support in terms of irrigation
facilities, and strengthening the research
and extension systems of the regions. In all the regions, crop technology selection,
natural resources management strategies and lack of adequate extension staff
are key constraints affecting the extension system. The curricula for extension personnel working for pastoral community
should be revisited.
xiii.
Small scale enterprises that can be performed by women and girls include
milk processing, grain mill operation, trading of livestock, cattle fattening,
handcrafts, and petty trade. Technical
and financial support is needed in this regard. Men also do involve in cattle
fattening, livestock trading and trading of industrial goods. Credit service
and entrepreneurship skill training should be promoted for women to improve
their income.
xiv.
Financial sector is poorly developed in the pastoral areas. Banking and insurance
services are often lacking in many parts of pastoral areas. This implication
for sustained use of indigenous saving strategies i.e. saving in livestock,
which makes the pastoralists vulnerable to drought risk. Saving in bank nearly
non-existent. Moreover, micro-finance services,
which play immense role in pastoral communities in general and for empowerment
of women in particular, is lacking in many of the pastoral woredas especially
in Afar and Somali pastoral communities. Therefore, promotion of micro-finance
industry in the pastoral communities would contribute to poverty eradication in
general and small scale enterprises development by women and the most
vulnerable groups in particular. Because of the socio-ecological and economic
system of the pastoral communities, financial institutions designed for the
sedentary farming system in the highland may not hold in the pastoral system.
Hence, establishment of formal body that will facilitate the development of
such weak links in the pastoral communities is recommended.
xv.
Creating
market access, for instance by creating market place in Gulina woreda of Afar, and creating
linkages and networks with marketing agents in order to integrate the pastoral
and agro-pastoral system into market. This will increase pastoralists access to
food and reduces their vulnerability through increased market integration.
xvi.
Awareness
raising mechanisms such as establishing
community radio, training Women’s
Affairs Officers and other government development workers on gender issues,
creating a pool of gender trainers, allocating training funds to publicize
gender issues, availing facilities needed to undertake gender promotion,
organizing exposure visits within and outside of the country, providing
audio-visuals and training equipment, and hiring technical experts to help,
oversee, advise, and consult the Women’s Affairs Office are very important
steps for women empowerment.
Amartya Sen, 1999. Development as Freedom.
IIRR. Cordaid, ACACIA. 2004. Drought Cycle Management: A
toolkit for the dry lands of the Greater Horn of Africa. International
Institute of Rural Reconstruction,
IIRR. 2004. Food Security in Pastoral Areas of
Kamara, A.B. 2001: Property Rights, Risk and Livestock
Development in
World Bank, 2002. Social Analysis Guideline, Electronic
Versions, 8/7/02.
[1] Kejela Gemtessa (M.Sc in Development Economics), Bezabih Emana (Ph.D in
Agricultural Economics), Lenesil Asfaw (B.A in Political Science and Gender
Specialist), Waktole Tiki (M.Sc. in Natural Resources Management), and Walensu
Rebu (M.A in Development Studies and Sociology ).
[2] Individuals
who violate the Borana traditional norms of not having sexual affairs with
unmarried and hence virgin girls are called "Cabana" and are excluded
from the society, being denied of social protection and economic supports.