Informal Risk Sharing Strategies and Poverty
Dynamics in Rural
Andinet
Delelegn[1]
Ethiopian Economic Association/
Ethiopian Economic Policy Research
Institute
Abstract
Based on Ethiopian Rural Household Survey (ERHS)
data, this study used a two-step dynamic nonlinear panel data model to analyze the
impact of informal risk sharing (IRS) strategies on poverty dynamics. The model
better explains the dynamic process of rural poverty in
Understanding poverty and its dynamics by
focusing on welfare levels and distribution in a certain socio-economic context
doesn’t suffice and present the real picture of the underlying process behind the
observed levels of deprivation. It is understood that besides many other factors
that explain the welfare and poverty dynamics, risk and shocks are important
causes of persistent poverty. People in
developing countries face numerous uninsured risks such as human illness,
sickness, death of livestock, crop pests and diseases, erratic rains or
droughts, political strife , etc. ( Dercon 2002 and 2005, Hoogeveen et
al.2005).
Risk affects
whether people can maintain assets and endowments, how these assets are
transformed into incomes and earnings are translated into broader development
outcomes, such as health and nutrition. Risky events are treated as
‘exogenous’, not directly under the control of people. However, an essential
part of analyzing risk and its consequence on poverty are that households use
sophisticated ex-ante and ex-post strategies to manage, reduce, or cope the
consequences of risk (Dercon 2005b).
To smooth income
and consumption, poor people use different risk-coping strategies, markets or
technologies, conservative production and employment decisions such as storage
of grain; land fragmentation; borrowing and saving, depleting and accumulating
nonfinancial assets, adjusting labor supply, sell assets, or send their
children to work instead of school to supplement income, and employing formal
and informal insurance arrangements such as informal credit and gifts among
friends, relatives and neighbors, borrowing from local money lenders, rotating
savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), interlinkages in agricultural
contracts, and so forth (Daniel 2003,
Dercon 2000, Jacoby and Skoufias 1997, Morduch 1995, Townsend 1995 and1993,Udry
1994, Deaton 1992, Paxon 1992, Deaton 1990 and Rosenzweig 1988).
In developing countries self-insurance is inadequate to protect households from the risk of fluctuating income. In the absence of formal and other inter-temporal markets as an alternative ex-post mechanism, households resort to informal risk-sharing schemes (Daniel 2003). As discussed in Carter 1997, it is rational for households to voluntarily share with their less fortunate neighbors in the hope that their neighbors will help them out sometime in the future. This kind of reciprocity sharing is denoted as “endogenously enforced” because it does not depend on any external norms or authority to function. Reciprocity schemes can be described as vertical or horizontal. Horizontal reciprocity refers to sharing rules between households that have approximately equal wealth endowments, which permit a group to enjoy benefits across individuals in the group. However, there are costs associated with horizontal reciprocity. In addition, to the extent that reciprocity works like a marginal tax on output, it would depress work incentives and potentially result in reduced mean output.
Anthropologists considered informal risk sharing to play a role in securing social status and signaling commitment to the community, however, Economists tend to scrutinize it as they do other transfers like public aid. According to Morduch 1999, these coping strategies, although effective in reducing vulnerability and current poverty, can reduce economic growth, long-term welfare, or social mobility.
Households in
rural
Recently, there are emerging views and shift concerning the implication of risk upon poverty dynamics. This study takes part in revealing the role of shocks and informal risk-sharing strategies on the dynamics of poverty. Even if, IRS strategies have their own advantage of reducing risk, under imperfect enforceability this may create adverse incentive problem.
The study uses
longitudinal household data of the Ethiopian Rural Household Survey (ERHS)
collected by the Department of Economics,
In section two,
we briefly review literatures regarding the concept of risk, shocks and the associated
coping strategies, especially IRS in rural village economy settings to relate
with poverty and its dynamics. In Section three, we presented the theoretical
model of consumption insurance and specified our poverty dynamics model that is
appropriate for our panel data. Section four and five discusses the data, descriptive
and empirical, respectively. with some implication, we concluded in section
five.
2. Review of
Literature
2.1. Linking Risk
and Poverty
The consensus after the works of Sen 1999 is
that poverty encompasses more than just low levels of income or consumption. Although,
studies on poverty analysis emphasizes on the welfare levels and distribution,
there are two consequences of risk on poverty; there is the impact of shock[2]
and the behavioral impact. The impact of shocks and the coping strategies may
destroy or reduce the physical, financial, human or social capital of the
household. The behavioral impact, on the other hand, is that households faced
with risk and with access to limited insurance alternatives, such as assets or
safety nets, are pushed towards risk management strategies such as low risk
activities and asset portfolios, at the expense of lower mean return and
incomes. As in least developing countries, if credit market and insurance
markets are poorly developed, exposure to risk may induce household to hold least
productive asset portfolios for the purpose of buffering consumption (Dercon
2005b).
The direction of causation can also be
reversed so that poverty causes exposure to risk. As discussed in Hoogeveen et al.2005, to
avoid extreme income poverty households may choose to cultivate in insecure
areas, land infested with landmines, areas where rebels are active, or live in
an unhealthy/unsafe environment.
2.2. Risk and
coping strategies
In addition to coping strategies employed by
households, there are different forms of ex-ante and ex-post institutional coping
strategies to manage risk and its consequences. These strategies can be
categorized into three main institutional arrangements. First, market based arrangements; these have
great potential and, where available, households and individuals take advantage
of the financial products offered by insurance and banking institutions.
Second, public arrangements; there
are arrangements made by governments to
deal with social risks such as unemployment, old age, work injury, disability,
widowhood, and sickness. Third, informal
arrangements; in a situation where there is missing market or public
institutional arrangements to deal with idiosyncratic and common risks,
individual households respond to risk through informal arrangements. They
involve a system of mutual assistance between family networks or community
members. The first two institutional arrangements are none or limited in LDCs (Hoogeveen
et al.2005).
2.3. The
theory of Full-risk sharing and the theory of limited commitment
Any two agents may be said to share risk if
they employ state-contingent transfers to increase the expected utility of both
by reducing the risk of at least one. Risk-sharing can be viewed as the
cross-sectional equivalent of consumption smoothing over time. Full risk
sharing is a situation in which all idiosyncratic risk is eliminated. Since risks
are shared, the marginal utilities of consumption are perfectly correlated
across all agents. That is, movement in average group consumption represents
aggregate risk. Full risk sharing is an important feature of any Pareto
efficient allocation in an Arrow-Debreu economy; provided that agents have von
Neumann-Morgenstern preferences, no one is risk-seeking, and at least one agent
is strictly risk averse[3]
(Townsend 1994).
There are a number of empirical works that tests
whether household consumption allocations replicate the Pareto-efficient full
risk-pooling outcomes resulting from a complete set of competitive
state-contingent markets, i.e, testing the null hypothesis of full risk-sharing.
For instance, Mace 1991 and Cochrane 1991 (US data), Deaton 1992 (
2.4. Limited
information, limited commitment and risk-sharing
It has been argued that information asymmetry
among insiders is not a stern problem in rural village economies. However, the
setting in these rural villages doesn’t support the assumption of full
information (Udry 1994 and Kocherlakota 1996 in Daniel 2003).
Among the efforts made by different authors
to explain the failure of full risk-sharing in the context of developing
countries, Ligon 1998 and Ligon et al. 2000b are the most citable one, who suggests
to relax the assumption of full information and then replace it by a system of
private information that excludes some contracting possibilities due to moral
hazard and adverse selection problems. The
failure of full risk-pooling may be due to either problems of limited
information, limited commitment or both (Ligon et al. 2000b). Cognizant of this
problem, recent papers appeal to the theory of limited commitment to explain
the observed positive relationship of individual consumption with current and
lagged individual income[4].
In their successive work, Ligon et al. 2000a,
examine a dynamic limited commitment model of mutual insurance by introducing
intertemporal substitution possibilities, such as intertemporal production,
storage, or access to external credit market. They show that under certain
conditions savings enhance the use of mutual risk-sharing as a subgame perfect
equilibrium, while under another condition it encourages agents to renege by
tightening their sustainability constraints as it increases utility derived
from autarky.
2.5. IRSS in
Driven by religious,
culture or based on reciprocity, historical evidences from
3. The Model
Given specific
parameterization of the utility function, such as an isoelastic utility
function;
[4]
Where,
is a multiplicative shock factor and
risk aversion
coefficient, which is assumed to be constant over time. Substituting [4] into [2]
and taking the first order condition for the maximization problem, dividing the
FOC for an individual household at two points in time, we obtain;
[5]
Equation [5] is
the condition that marginal utility growth is equated across households for the
hypothesis of full risk-sharing to hold. Taking the log of this equation and
adding the error term
will give the
following equation
[6]
This is a simple
consumption function, which is expect to be consistent with any efficient
allocation. Where,
and
are related to the aggregate supply of the consumption good
in period t and t+1, respectively, which are the only determinants of consumption
depending on the random state[7]. The
terms
,
and
represent household preference shifts and
is measurement error. For the theory of full risk-sharing to
be true, with the assumption of homoskedasticity of the measurement error and
preference shifts, which are uncorrelated across households, the coefficient of
additional regressor that is cross-sectionally independent of the preference
shifts and measurement error will be zero[8].
The most
commonly applied version of equation [6] in the empirical literature using
panel data (in Ravallion and Chaudhuri 1997, Jacoby and Skoufias 1998, Skoufias
and Quisumbing 2003 and Nigussie 2005) is of the form,
[7]
where
denotes the change in
log consumption or the growth rate in total consumption per capita of household
i in period t ( between round t and round t-1 in
our case);
is the growth rate of household
i income;
is a vector of household or household head’s characteristics;
denotes a set of binary variables identifying each community
separately by survey round[9];
,
, and
, are parameters to be estimated; and
is a
household-specific error term capturing changes in the unobserved components of
household preferences.
Based on the
underlying theory of risk-sharing, the coefficient
provides an estimate
of the extent to which idiosyncratic income changes play a role in explaining
the household-specific consumption growth rate. As noted in Skoufias and
Quisumbing 2003, the set of discrete terms,
, identifying communities by survey round, serves two
interrelated functions. First, the term controls for the role of aggregate
(covariate) shocks common to all households within any given community and
survey round. Second, given that consumption and income are in logarithms, they
also account for potential difference in the round-to-round inflation rate
across communities. They also noted that including community/round interaction
dummies is equivalent to deviate all variables for their respective
community/round mean.